Tag Archives: Bundeswehr

Bienalisation of political arts (Otto Karl Kamal)

Bienalisation of political arts: Organ Kritischer Kunst

organ of critical art
August/September 2012


Text: Otto Karl Kamal

Zuckerbrot und Peitsche – Militär und Kultur, eine Erfolgsgeschichte aus Kassel

Carrot and Stick – Military and Culture, a history of success outcome of Kassel

If we talk about Kassel and documenta, we must also remember that the place itself is a really important location for the German arms industry: since several decades it has been re-established in this historical place. The tactical proximity between war and culture is in no way new situation of geopolitical strategies. By means of the example of Kassel, we realise how cultural politics (on both global and regional level) crystalize as a part of hegemonic power structures, sometimes more visual, sometimes more sublime, but constant nevertheless. The most important armament players in the Kassel region (business volume of several billions of Euros):

Rheinmetall Defense, Krauss-Maffei Wegmann and Eurocopter1

Pablo Hermann, Afghaniswahn, 2011, Tusche und Acryl auf Papier, 20x30cm,

The leitmotif of Christov-Bakargiev about the reflection of the past is going beyond. “Kassel is the city which was destroyed and rebuilt”, says the boss of documenta. “And in the middle of the wreckage (ruins) the documenta was initiated. This aspect brought me to follow one question/idea: when I look at the present situation, I have a problem to comprehend with the simultaneousness of collapse and recovery. For Afghanistan, both counts: the state of things after and during the war. And that is very curious. The war ended in 2004, everybody came back and the war seems to be over. At the same time, everyone said the war is still going on there. The difference between now and 1945/46 is that crisis and no-crisis can now exist side by side. […]” (http://www.3sat.de/page/?source=/kulturzeit/themen/160698/index.html)

What Christov-Bakargiev is instigating here is namely that the war was over already in 2004 – while all the facts speak about proportionately more casualties in the time after 2004 than in the duration of 3 years prior to the “end of the conflict”.

Here I am “only” referring to the military casualties. The number of civil victims must be multiplied by thousands (just in the sole year of 2010 there were over 10.000 civilian deaths) (2)! The Allied troops from 2001 till 2004 reported exactly 200 deaths, and between 2005 and 2012 (…), there were 2944 (3). Bearing such numbers in mind, it is either sarcastic or aggressively naïve to speak about this aforementioned “no-crisis”, or “end of the war”. And the person, who is digging the history of last centuries’ Afghanistan, will find no difficulty to nail down the colonial causalities and effects from these approaches that triggers bigger or smaller armed conflicts. Considering this, the “no-crisis” idea of Christov-Bakargiev is extremely problematic to digest (4).

[…] if you show that in the after-war history of Kassel there are explicit connections to the actual examples of worldwide war destruction. In Kassel these themes, also without documenta, are present all the time, but without any wider public perception. Already the destruction of the city during the II world war was closely related to the presence of arms industry in there. The following history of success in rebuilding brought not only the much-discussed architecture of the 1950s to the inner city, but also a quick set-up of German arms industry hub Kassel anew: from Germany to Chile, from Kosovo to Afghanistan – Kassel arms production is in use. http://dorn.blogsport.de/2012/01/11/kassel-documenta-stadt-ruestungsstadt/

Jeramy Turner, “founding fathers”, 2007, oil on canvas , 2x2m

  • Zusammenbruch und Wiederaufbau“ / Collapse and Recovery

The only recognizable leitmotif of the present documenta under the curating and the conceptualizing by Christov-Bakargiev developed a big attraction to the public. This could be a cause of her careless approach to handle the traded conceptual guidelines for dOCUMENTA and to break with them (those which have the red guidelines for the show). The “no-concept concept” has a certain attraction to the public. Sometimes it appears clumsy or even naïve, like for example “colonial-manieristic” global expansion of serious white culture by the settlement of documenta in Kabul (…)

This supposedly serves to heal historical, social and cultural wounds to both oppressors and the oppressed. This naïve approach towards political complexes sometimes is scary or shows certain superficiality or directed exclusion of disagreeable truths. The recovery is preached (with the same words that were used 10 years before, when the terror of war began: democracy and freedom), but a “no-crisis” status (or, by deduction, “no status of war”) and its consequences are evoked without a radical analysis of causes and the backgrounds (e.g. economies).

The big art fair which had been installed by the western allies (and the new democracy-educated German allies) in the arms production city of Kassel could be used for the convalescence of the German public and consequently it was logical to show “degenerate Art” as rehabilitation. These socio-pedagogical pretensions are actual until today. Even if there has been a fight about the power of interpretation of medial symbols by the monopolization of art education, which for example is forced by documenta team that is nothing more than mere paternalism of the possibilities of artistic interpretation. This linear, mono-directionality of perception in arts, rather than being broken, is fortified. The thinking and interpretation patterns are pre-conceived and almost absolute. The observer’s perception is heteronomous; also the lecture of thematized conflicts and problems is pre-given: all go through the same procedure (Afghanistan). The Afghani artists were taught the learning process [to understand and put to practice: occidental, serious culture, art structure], and made to adopt the politics of European bourgeois art understanding and the methodic media-strategic application. But fundamental questioning of the power structures is blended out.

In this specific case, the social wounds caused by failed imperial war have to be cured by culture at present. And the best tactics for this are to bring “the patients” into the state of sedation, in order to leave the painful truth behind. The bad, inevitable (intrinsic, natural – therefore unavoidable) and unpopular war must be forgotten as soon as possible – that is the motto. This also could be a balm on the soul of the German military (Bundeswehr) a case of “military diplomacy”. And now, when we are intensely forgetting, we should forget within the same act which was the real interests that led to the occupation in the first place: the economic interests for the “safety” of the resources and free trade routes with the gas pipeline (5) in the foreground. In the whole documenta there is no such artistic position which makes this analytical work and looks behind the scenery of the actual geo-strategic warfare with angle-point Afghanistan. Marc Lombardi, featured in 2012 documenta, unfortunately never had a chance to do this.

Can we resent this ignorant attitude of Christov-Bakargiev? The fear of the truth has to be really big. Even to think loudly in this direction cost the highest mandate in the republic in 2010, because the president dared to name the issue very clearly. It remains hardly known, that Federal Republican presidial tragedy started also in Afghanistan.

Bundespräsident Köhler, 2010

Hair cracks of a liberal systems: bb7 – documenta (13)

  • Nationalism in international Cultureshow

[…] the pivot of the national-popular concept remains, through all the notes, the ideal relationship between intellectuals and nation-people, a relationship that has been lacking historically and still waits to be created. this relationship, is then developed in a positive sense by being linked to Jacobinism, hegemony, the organic bond between knowledge and feeling, the historical bloc, the recognition of the need to pass through a national stage, and the reflection on historical models (Dostoyevsky, Shakespeare, the Greek tragedians, Abba, Gioberti). At the same time it is developed in a negative sense, as the diagnostic key to a lack or absence, in the many polemical notes against ‘i nipotini di padre Bresciani’, Catholic intellectuals, the fascist writers of the 1920s ruralist-nationalist movement called Strapaese, and in the acerbic observations on a popular taste which has remained stuck at the stage of French serial literature of a century before.”

.(Quote: “performing national identity – Anglo-Italian cultural transactions” (s.188) Edited by Manfred Pfister und Ralf Hertel, Editions Rodopi B.V., Amsterdam 2008, ISBN: 978-90-420-2314-7)

This quote refers to the building of national identity in the 1920s fascist Italy, where the present documenta star Morandi was actively involved. Whether consciously or not Christov-Bakargiev’s historic misrepresentation is on a highest aesthetical level. Like practiced by Zmijewski in Berlin Biennale 7 (BB7), identity formation would ever be determined by national and ethnic parameters. Documenta is much more subtle, not the brute agitprop language combined with the rigorously failed attempt to apply over-identification (see more on Querfront strategies at the Berlin Biennale) (6). The aesthetic sensitivity of Christov-Bakargiev (we can hardly put it next to fearless masculinist Zmijewski) is relatively well balanced and she is avoiding the spectacular pop factory of Zmjiewski’s visualization tricks. She spied such fundamental differences – the reference to nationalism is well developed in various artistic positions of both art fairs. The focus on the national currents, like Christov-Bakargiev is doing in reference to her European Homeland Italy, mainly considering Arte Povera, and thereby declaration that Morandi is a spiritual father of the “movement” – this focus leaves us the aftertaste of nationalist regionalist cultural boost of Mussolini’s fascists (Morandi was a member of Novecento (7) & Strapaese (8), also associated with and professionally active in publicity organs of both “il selvaggio”(9), “il italiano”).

[…] [Morandi – d. Red.] He participated in the right-wing, ruralist Strapaese movement of the late nineteen-twenties. His attitude toward Mussolini, whose regime gave him teaching jobs, was more positive than not, although he was briefly imprisoned in 1943 for associating with anti-Fascists. (If ever an artist merited political amnesty, on the ground of unworldliness, it would be Morandi.) Fame came to him after the war: he won first prize for an Italian painter at the 1948 Venice Biennale, and became so revered in Italy that filmmakers, notably Federico Fellini, in “La Dolce Vita,” used his work as a ready symbol of lofty sensibility. Morandi had a last adventurous phase of nearly abstract drawings and watercolors that condense into swift marks a lifetime of looking. […]” http://www.newyorker.com/arts/critics/artworld/2008/09/22/080922craw_artworld_schjeldahl

If Christov-Bakargiev is blending this out – and she can do this only consciously, because she is one of the most authoritative voices about the mentioned art current of Arte Povera and the precursors – then we are questioning how serious are the requirements of documenta (-tion) of art and its pedagogical approaches. The orientation of nationalism subconsciously takes a more important role that we are enforced upon us. National orientation as well as the ground structure (development aid-export-model-documenta), also there are in the artistic works, “helping” to build identities.

Going hand in hand with the eurocentristic thought of serious culture (we also could name it competitive culture) which is also available as the export-goods/ware we can see an image of historical references to colonialism and presently to western imperialism that in some artworks is criticized but in the whole concept they lose any potential substance, because the applied schemes of system of war and art are not very distant one from each other. The lecture could be as follows: the superior Europeans & Americans, helped out by an economic dependence, built a dictate in so called crisis regions. This is a paternalism of political (military) and also cultural field. The other ones collaborate with resources (from oil over to the human capital all the way to Coltan) and get the equivalent pseudo-democracy and the western notion of freedom and security. And what is still much more important, the national (ethnic) identity of invaded peoples would be guaranteed. The system of carrot and stick proves to be a trans-disciplinary success model of military and culture.

Till Ansgar Baumhauer, Kriegsteppich, 2010/11, 165×85 cm

  • Elitism in Art

These references to nationalist traditions and their artistic bruises, which were described in the chapter above, should be re-interpreted from the class perspective. On the other hand, to deal with nationalism on the level concerning the whole society (persisting in documenta) is the extension of the same traditional thinking structure on a professional level. Furthermore, the statements of the BB7 main curator Zmijewski openly claims that only a small privileged elite is in allowed to create arts and this capacity is “naturally” only possible through guided academic appropriation – and it should remain so. Christov-Bakargiev shares the opinion. Elitist thinking schemes are the base of such a point of view. This aesthetic elitism is a counterpart to real essence of artistic activism, and so a counter position to actual currents of political art. Nevertheless, the mentioned leaders of the art fairs claim to represent such currents. The pluralist idea of, for example, Free International University, worked on by Beuys and others in dOCUMENTA 7 (1982) is, during dOCUMENTA 13 and Berlin Biennale 7, not more than a singular drop on the hot stone of art history.

  • Curatorship and Naiveness

Another further similarity between the curators of aforementioned art fairs is the naivety while dealing with the complex socio-political contexts. As Zmijewski fails in the fields of National Socialism and Shoah with exception of stupid provocative attitudes in the work with these issues, he has nothing to say. Christov-Bakargiev’s abysmally naïve position towards hegemonic politics in Afghanistan which were cemented with bombs and deaths is rough and negligent, historic reprocessing of fascist art-hero Morandi. There is one last question: is the committees of German Federal Cultural Foundation (Bundeskulturstiftung), who choose the actors, are they not able to research the people they install?

Critical Points in the questioning of the curatorial concept:

  • Heroization of controversial figures

Otto Kamal, “I didn´t see anything … except bottles”, digital graphic, 2012

Like mentioned above, apotheosis of some questionable persons as the cult of cultural heroes is initiated. The main figure for Christov-Bakargiev is Morandi, who has a brown past, impossible to remove.

[…]Morandi participated in the Novecento exhibitions of 1926 and 1929, but his work had greater affinity with the Strapaese movement, which was inspired by provincial cultural traditions. […] http://www.estorickcollection.com/permanent/Giorgio_Morandi.php

Such cementation of what we can denominate as an artistic myth exposes Bakargiev’s position as reactionary. Her explanation to prepare the way for critical and political art doesn’t really fit with the retro-renaissance positioning (the artists as a genius creator). Considering the fact that the new, so-called avant-garde movements in art are heading in the direction of communitarian production, Christov-Bakargiev appears conservative and deeply outmoded. Political art serves only as a sensationalist driving force of hegemonic culture, which is in the position to hybridize “the other” cultures. The critical alternatives to Christov-Bakargiev’s own culture are synchronized and fit into the sphere of influence of the hegemon. The Situationists were right in their analysis of art as the mild part of the carrot and stick organization of society.

  • Kader Attia’s Scars and Mask Cabinet (Kader Attia “The Repair from Occident to Extra-Occidential Cultures” 2012)

Firstly, I want to say that this critique is not an aesthetic analysis. Kader Attia’s work is to be considered as artistically and technically on the good level, therefore I even wonder myself how such a lecture could be done. The problem in this work is not the strange constellation of different contexts, rather the lecture as exotic comparison between two fundamentally different cases of human existence. On the one hand, we have plastic surgery of the victims of the WWI, and on the other hand the scarification (scar-tattoos) of African tribes. Both things are placed on the same level: first the mutilation caused by imperial war machinery, and second the cultural, aesthetically motivated (“natural” – because it is a part of ritual) corporal intervention without any deeper questioning of the ethically descendent of these acts. So, what we can call the “natural” scarification (in its own context, for its own sake) has none of the negative connotation, and is not comparable to the deformation caused by the most inhuman act – warfare. Therefore, the thing which is normal and aesthetically important for autochthonous peoples of Africa is for occidentals the horrible disfigurement. Vice versa, the mutilation of war participants means the same thing like natural creative deformation of the human body. Here we also see the parallel between the natural recurrings and corrosion of material (the ritual tribe scars are a prolongation of nature of the human identity), and the war of hegemonic power politics. Is the organic, natural corrosion comparable to the destruction forced by human valence? Here happens an aesthetic abolition of critics of destruction of imperial politics (WWI) by naturalization of war by equalizing human and natural catastrophes. The inevitable, “destiny determined” is museum-ized as a bad memory which could be revoked consciously. By the horrifying images of individuals they create simultaneous empathy with the victims of the First World War – the situation that brings the focus to “universal” human misery through war, but the reasons of such disastrous activity are in no way questioned and traded as yet another naturally occurring catastrophe and declared as regrettable but inevitable bad.

  • White War Wounds vs. Black Ritual Transformation

The fact is that there is a discourse of European position that makes evaluation, respectively a judgment of aesthetic manifestations of African tribes which is done through a bizarre comparison that has strong colonial features. By Eurocentric aesthetic the cultural healing is initiated. Kader Attia is speaking of hybridization of cultures, which helps “sub-developed” cultures but also the European Cultures. But it’s hard to believe, because for Europe, “hybridization” means the old privilege of interpretation. Considering European colonial history, it’s hard to believe that such hybridization is not valuable more than a new attempt to get the privilege of interpretation, in this case in the field of aesthetics, and this is a manifestation of an arrogant Eurocentric position. A hidden cultural racism in this artistic work and the equivalent theoretic discourse is not to negate.

The Afghanistan Orbital: Negation of war and imperialistic Appropriation of resources

In the series of imperialist thinking, which manifest itself on several levels, the idea of Christov-Bakargiev to heal the Afghan society by exported European serious culture fits the picture very well. What politics doesn’t get on with structural, economic and even military violence, culture will fix. The Afghan people should get driven out of “darkness” after 30 years of war by pre-given aesthetic practices and methods. The message is: we are the cultural messiahs from the west.


In the end we can see that such a big show of western culture only reflects the culture that created it. Culture is an aesthetic representation of that what ethics and values represent in society. Singular critical artists positions which make an continuous analysis of the capitalist system were neutralized and the political art is abused by political purposes they are officially led. The “recovery” of the land is part of the responsibility and justifies this post-military intervention of maintenance of own hegemonic economic and cultural interests. The art as the carrot, the weapons are the stick, both are being produced in Documentastadt Kassel.

1 http://www.ippnw.de/print/frieden/friedenspolitik.html ,http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rheinmetall , http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wegmann_%26_Co. , http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Krauss-Maffei_Wegmann , http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eurocopter_Group

2 http://de.statista.com/statistik/daten/studie/2006/umfrage/gefallene-oder-verunglueckte-soldaten-der-westlichen-koalition-in-afghanistan/

3 Afghanistan; Stand: 17.08.2012; http://www. icasualties.org

4 http://www.ag-friedensforschung.de/themen/Terrorismus/tote.html

5 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Trans-Afghanistan_Pipeline , http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Afghanistan_Oil_Pipeline

6 http://www.kritische-kunst.org/en/bb7-2012-is-the/spektakularisierung-der

7 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Novecento_Italiano

8 http://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Strapaese

9 http://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Il_Selvaggio_(rivista) , http://www.answers.com/topic/il-selvaggio

Lektüre / Recherche:






















dOCUMENTA 13: „Collapse and Recovery of Collapse“ by Francisco José Avestruz

dOCUMENTA 13: „Collapse and Recovery of Collapse“

Francisco José Avestruz

Ten years after the surrender of the Nazis and the digestion of the German people about the insane adventure of the National Socialism, the first documenta in Kassel in 1955 came into the world. In the same year Kassel welcomed the former armed forces member (1939-1945) and First Lieutenant (1944-1945) in the Nazi Germany of Adolf Hitler, FJ Strauss (CSU party member – Christian Social Union). He arrived in order to accelerate the reconstruction of the defense industry in Kassel in the postwar period (the barely 10 years since asleep the surrender of the Nazis) – as a former party chairman of the CSU, atomic Minister of the Federal Republic of Germany (1955), who later became defense minister, Prime Minister of Bavaria and candidate for Chancellor of Germany. Then the Bundeswehr (German Military) was re-established on the 5 May 1955. Since the fifties, Strauss was a key lobbyist regarding NATO and open advocate of the McCarthy era. He has also advanced the witch-hunt of dissidents (1) in occupied Germany. His efforts in cooperation with the cultural and economic institutions were for the awakening of the dormant war production as early as the second half of the fifties, a success. There we have the two Henschel successor companies (2) (6 generations and Nazi regimes with more than 6000 forced laborers), also Wegmann (3), Rheinmetall (4) and Krauss-Maffei Wegmann (5), who in the 50’s re-entered with a bang into the weapons business.

1955 was the season of awakening for Kassel after the end of World War II in a decade of despair, hunger, guilt, and resistance to rebuilding the machinery of war, persecution of pacifists of the left and religious (6) spectrum – which called the soldiers killers, denunciations, reinstatement of former Nazis (7) in national security and politics go hand in hand with the occupying forces. These turbulent times, the platform for the development of the first Documenta were to simultaneously, so to calm the turmoil. Reconstruction, restoration, creation…

Again, again and again, that’s part of the motto, which has Carolyn Christov-Bakargiev dedicated their Documenta 13 “collapse and reconstruction.” Breakdowns and disasters from natural processes (meteorites, earthquakes, tsunamis …) with their self-regeneration / healing of nature are placed in parallel with human-made disasters (pogroms, wars, displacement, exploitation, enslavement …) each with their reconstruction / self-healing are presented with a holistic relation to the same level along the different venues documenta for a clientele of more than 750,000 “refined”, privileged visitors. The message of her diffused concept Non-concept and its presentation is read by a mass mainstream audience. As a natural process, as were war and neo-colonialism to a natural behavior of our existence as a group disasters of war with exploitation, delusion, torture, expulsion, racism and all the symptoms of diseases such as hatred and violence would then be natural processes that should happen in our existence. As with any environmental disaster and colonial processes and exploitative behavior would mean unavoidable and natural processes (the process functions like a sedative).

There are of course committed artists in the documenta, dealing consciously and skillfully with the present, but the individual critical discourses are neutralized in the context of a pompous massive art event. The review and discussion of various projects within an extremely silently evaporated eurocentrist context where the standardized clientele is told that natural and human disasters belong together and are unavoidable. Under this principle the crime in the colonies and neo-colonies would be a normal part of the natural process in the world, and in the past and today, on behalf of the privileges of the West based on a flag, efficient war machine, armor, public / private agents, investors, neo-missionaries are directed. While the privileged-estranged visitors are satisfied with the presence of one Zooccupy at the entrance to Fridericianum palace, 10 minutes away the terror of war production is continuously performed in arms factories. And other startle determined by the current character of the new transformation processes in the questioning of our behavior in society, they meet at the same time with their fantasies and ideas about art and a representation of the world, “which is not right, but it could be even worse.”

Documenta covered up its own existence of an instrument for neocolonial processes with small isolated doses of criticism and indistinct denunciation. “The” international art event would not be taken seriously, in case there was no criticism of it present (at least when done “as if”). This review is from Carolyn Christov-Bakargiev whether consciously or unconsciously blinded and co-opted by the ruling class. This acts as a placebo for the social disease of an unconscious society.

The homogenizing machinery of documentation with their so-called (by the Artistic Director of d13 – Carolyn Christov-Bakargiev) “Artistic Agents”, an instrument of expansion, Occidentilazation and delusion for the 100 days running game show with a budget from private investors and the state funds of 24 million euros (8) equipped. The behavior of the Documenta apparatus appeals not only to the behavior of colonial processes, but also the behavior of the market. This more holistic relationship whereupon Christov-Bakargiev refers would diffuse a homogeneous behavior of the elements of neo-colonialism, which fluidly cooperate with each other for status. Result of the whole liquid coexistence of cultural-religious institutions, politics, market economy and arms industry is more than the sum of its parts, more than the nation-state, there are also neo-co-colonies and strategic occidental business partners crisis areas.

The satellite documenta in Kabul (the pearl of the whole show) now takes up the homogenizing role of missionary foundations as in the earlier colonizing processes of the Americas with the specific civilization policy (9) (here I refer to Americas as today’s continent with 35 countries and 3 sub-continents). Present documenta’s satellite, as a neo-missionary in the “post-war” territory of Afghanistan, cannot be distinguished from earlier missionaries, who were commissioned by the colonial governments during and after the end of terror, bloody expulsion and exploitation of these territories and their inhabitants. This happened in let us cancel times designate as “former post war times” to “in the name of God” and the Occident’s behavior, customs, language and beliefs of the colonial rulers to enforce, thus the cultural consciousness of the exploited, oppressed, demoralized and almost extinguished people . So then the possible future resistance of the oppressed group was broken by a powerful modeling of peoples, who were transformed into a second-class society, for easy slavery and other exploitation of the “Indians” by the new European settlers, which stood out with its war machine.

So the Documenta seeks to be the window of a global representation of art, it presents itself as the global dominant on art, the Bible of culture. Here is what should be a discourse and as the carrier of cultural or artistic processes that ought to be addressed by enforcement. It intervenes in the capital of Afghanistan as the “savior of the Afghan culture,” as a virtual bridge between the “ideal” of the ’70s bohemian European Junkie quarter in Kabul, with the one-hotel by the Italian artist Alighiero Boetti (an essential key for these games), and the Kabul today as a re-start point, now continueimg under the baton of the U.S. – Italian Christov-Bakargiev. The period between the present and the fate of Afghanistan terrorized by decades of utilization, exploitation, oppression, terror via West remains, first quietly, like a dark picture. A nationalist / Eurocentric discourse of Mrs. Christoph-Bakargiev is not easy to conceal. The way for further “reconstruction” of Afghanistan will be freely maintained.

http://www.archivioalighieroboetti.it [Kabul, 1971]
(1) Die Wiederbewaffnungsdiskussion wurde von 1949 bis 1956 geführt und beschäftigte sich mit dem kontroversen Thema der Wiederaufrüstung und Atomare Massenvernichtungswaffen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Kurz nach Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges wurde diese wegen der noch anhaltenden Kriegsmüdigkeit und der erstarkenden Friedensbewegung heftig diskutiert.




(2) http://regiowiki.hna.de/Zwangsarbeiter_im_Zweiten_Weltkrieg


(3) http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wegmann_%26_Co.


(4) http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rheinmetall

(5) http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Krauss-Maffei_Wegmann

(6) 1950 Kirchenpräsident Niemöller kritisiert wiederholt den politischen Kurs der Bundesregierung zu den Themen Westorientierung und Wiederbewaffnung und Atomare Massenvernichtungswaffen. Damit löst er jeweils intensive Debatten aus. Im Oktober 1950 wenden sich Niemöller und die Bruderschaften gegen das Angebot von Bundeskanzler Konrad Adenauer, Westdeutschland wieder zu bewaffnen.

Kasseler Kirchenpräsident Martin Niemöller gehört zu den entschiedenen Kritikern, nachdem ihm 1954 führende Atomforscher (Otto Hahn, Werner Heisenberg und Carl Friedrich von Weizäcker) erläutert hatten, dass Atombomben alles Leben auslöschen können. In Bezug darauf betont Niemöller am 25. Januar 1959 auf einer christlichen Friedenversammlung in Kassel bei der „Kasseler Rede“ die Verantwortung der Soldaten im Kriegsfall. Dabei kritisiert er die Ausbildung von Kommandotrupps zum gezielten Töten von Gegnern als “Ausbildung zum Verbrechen und für das christliche Gewissen unvereinbar”. Er wird in Zeitungen “Soldatenausbildung als hohe Schule für Berufsverbrecher” zitiert. Ein auch innerkirchlicher Sturm der Entrüstung beginnt. Verteidigungsminister Franz Josef Strauß stellt Strafanzeige, Präses Wilhelmi, der zu diesem Zeitpunkt für die CDU im Bundestag sitzt, und Niemöller ringen vor der Synode um das Thema.


(7) Hans Filbinger CDU, Karl Carstens CDU, Kurt Georg Kiesinger CDU, Hans Globke CDU, Karl Maria Hettlage Industrieller, Adolf Heusinger General, Hans Speidel General, Waldemar Kraft CDU, Theodor Oberländer CDU, Karl Schiller SPD, Frank Seiboth, Frank Seiboth SPD, Hubert Schrübbers BfV

(8) Der Etat der im Juni beginnenden documenta beträgt 24,6 Millionen Euro. Der Bund schießt über die Kulturstiftung 3,5 Millionen zu, das Land Hessen und die Stadt Kassel geben jeweils 4,4 Millionen Euro. Die anderen 12 Millionen kamen aus privaten Investoren.


(9) „Civilisation Policies“